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An interesting comment on the Labour Party Conference (42nd Annual Conference, from June 14th to 18th, 1943) was published in: "New Statesman and Nation" (June 26th).

"... There has been much angry correspondence sent by outraged constituents to labour M.P.s about the Party's alleged adoption of a 'Vansittart' policy towards Germany. It would be well if all those who were indignant know some of the facts, and bear in mind that the actual text of the amendment was not in fact Vansittartite, as that word is usually understood. Many months ago now a certain Mr. Walter Loeb, a German Jewish refugee who had once been associated with the German Social Democratic Party, joined with Mr. James Walker and a number of other Trade Union M.P.s and officials to found the Fight for Freedom organisation to carry on propaganda within the Labour Movement on lines since known as "Vansittartite". This movement appears to have made very little progress among the rank and file of the Party, but has secured some support among the "high-ups". Irritated by its activities a group of pacifists and near-pacifists led by Cove[1], Stokes[2] and Messer[3] began a counter-agitation in the local Labour Parties with the object of getting resolutions put down to Conference condemning the participation of Labour people in "Fight for Freedom".

Some months before the Conference, an attempt was made by those who were at once pro-war and anti-Nazi to persuade them of the tactical stupidity of challenging the Unions on the action of some of their leaders. It was pointed out that they might thus tie a "pro-Vansittart" resolution round the neck of the Party instead of leaving in force a more satisfactory statement on policy made by Attlee in the early days of the war. Just before Conference the Executive discussed the whole question and decided to present a more reasoned statement of policy on Germany next year. This suggestion

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was put forward by the Chairman at the beginning of the debate, but in such weak terms that neither side paid attention. Charlie Dukes[4], the Municipal and General Workers Secretary, made a very able and balanced speech on the whole subject, but nominally in support of the pro-Vansittart amendment. After this, the attempt was made by many delegates, including those of the Transport and General Workers to move the previous question and to get the Executive to go further into the matter. By this time it must have been obvious what the results of a vote would be, but tactics are not a strong point of the Cove-Stokes group, and they still insisted on a vote being taken. About seven-eighths of the Divisional Parties voted against the Vansittartite amendment, which was carried by the block-vote of the most important Unions, including at the last moment that of the Transport and General Workers.

There is little doubt that Duke's speech rather than the wording of the amendment represents the general views of the Party, including those of the Trade Union delegates. This was shown by Will Lawther's[5] broadcast of encouragement to the German miners, delivered on the evening of the day that he had spoken in support of the pro-Vansittart amendment on the floor of Conference.

The new Executive will be well-advised to carry out the original suggestion of drawing up a balanced statement on the whole German question for presentation at the next Conference."

Some Polish voices on the future of Germany.

"POLISH LABOUR FIGHTS"[6] (London, June 1943) quotes from theses for discussion issued by the "Polish Underground Labour Movement": "... A People's Poland will oppose in a most resolute manner all ideas of hegemony of any great powers in Europe or of entrusting them with leadership in organising the security and prosperity of European nations ... we insist on a system based on the right of nations to independence ...

ATTITUDE TOWARDS GERMANY

The responsibility of Germany for the provocation of this war, as well as for its barbarous conduct and its flagrant violation of the rights and duties of an occupying power, is a fact beyond any possibility of doubt.

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The policy of the victorious democracies concerning vanquished Germany will have to be based on stern justice and punishment for crimes and abuses, but should bear no character of revenge.

The political aim of a victorious democracy must be:

(1) Protection of the world against the possibility of a further German aggression;

(2) Punishment of those responsible for the barbarous conduct of the war and occupation;

(3) Making Germany responsible for damage arising out of the war and occupation.

In order to protect the world against a future German aggression, measures should be taken which will eradicate the hegemony of Prussia and facilitate any morally and culturally sound German elements to achieve an influential position.

Germany must not be allowed to maintain any kind of armed forces, not even an armed police force or any semi-military organisation. An international police force will ensure public security.

German production, in particular industrial production will have to be so adjusted as to make any reconstruction of war potential impossible. German production will thus have to be supervised internationally.

Public education, press, radio, theatre and cinema must be freed from all nationalistic character and militaristic propaganda. All these sections of German cultural life will thus have to be supervised internationally.

German assets, both private and public, must be used to repair war and occupation damage. The partition of German reparations among particular countries will be proportionate to the degree of damage suffered by their civilian populations and damage to their works of art and culture."

Mr. Marian Seyda, Polish Minister of Preparatory Work concerning the Peace Conference, writes in
"Free Europe" (June 4th): "... Germany's disarmament should be guaranteed by a long-term occupation of all the territories which composed the Reich before Munich. The territories between the Rhine and the Oder should be subjected to a regime under a general inter-allied

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occupation, while the territories west of the Rhine and east of the Oder should be subjected to a special regime of occupation administered by the adjoining Allied nations.

... Apart from our lively interest in the organisation of regional confederations, we are greatly in favour of continued close collaboration between the United Nations after the war. This collaboration will by degrees be turned into a world-wide international organisation. Germany, however, could be admitted to this only after a long lapse of time, when not only a moral renaissance will have been achieved, if it is possible, but also Germany's neighbours, at present retarded in their industrial development, will have reached the same economic level as Germany ..."

The "Union of Polish Patriots in the USSR"[7] proclaimed
(RADIO MOSCOW, June 18th): " ... The emigration government of Gen. Sikorski has not fulfilled the greatest task which fell to it

... After the victorious conclusion of the war, Polish nationality must be restored in Silesia. The Polish ethnical mass in Silesia must again be reunited with the national base in the Mother Country. The mouth of the Vistula, the basic and vital artery of our country, must return into Polish hands. East Prussia must no longer exist as a bastion of German imperialism and as a barrier separating Poland from Baltic: East Prussia must become Poland's outlet to the Baltic ..." (There will be negotiations with the CSR about Teschen.)

The London "DZIENNIK POLSKI"[8] (June 21st) comments that the claim for East Prussia, Silesia "and other Polish territories, annexed by Prussia is one of the fundamental points of the program of General Sikorski's government and the 'Polish Patriots' (in Moscow) only repeat in this case the demands of the Polish Government ..." (in London)

Supplement to

"Sozialistische Mitteilungen" (No. 51)
- News for German Socialists in England -
33, Fernside Avenue, London N.W.7.

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