[Beilage zu SM, Nr.46, 1943]

[Seite: - 1 - ]

[Seite im Original:] - 2 -

Sympathetic Message from A.J. Dobbs, Chairman of the British Labour Party.

"Dear Comrade Vogel,

I am sorry that it will not be possible for me to be with you and your friends on Friday evening but I shall be glad if you will convey to the meeting my fraternal greetings and good wishes.

We can never forget that amongst Hitler's first victims were German trades unionists, German socialists, and German co-operators and that in addition to closing their administrative offices and abolishing their Press and publications, and their right of public meeting and discussion, many working-class leaders, as well as rank and file - men and women alike - suffered the terror and tortures of the Nazi Gestapo. That was the prelude to ten years of ever widening savagery that has spread through so many countries of Europe.

As you and your comrades know, there is a spirit inherent in our British working-class movement that rejects dictatorship and strives to widen the bounds of freedom. It is for this reason that we have stood by Free Poland, Free France, and all other democracies, why we have welcomed our Allies throughout the world in the struggle that we believe will probably determine the future of mankind more decisively than almost any other event in recorded history.

We feel deeply for all our friends who are refugees from Hitler's Nazi tyranny. We recall the common efforts in which we and so many old comrades of the past have cooperated in the days gone by. With you we seek for the defeat of Nazi domination and the downfall of everything it represents. With you we look to a new and greater Germany and the return of European civilisation to that way of life in which the elementary rights of man will be respected and the full recognition of working class claims will form the basis of the New Society.

With all good wishes,


Yours very sincerely,
(sig) A.J.Dobbs,
Chairman"


[Seite im Original:] - 3 -

Rt. Hon. David R. Grenfell, M.P.

"I have always felt it my duty as a Socialist to keep up the bonds of unity with people of all lands. 40 years ago, when I worked in a far away country together with miners from France, from Poland, from Bohemia and from Germany, I tried to help my comrades, who could not speak English, by being their interpreter. Since then I have always thought the international aspect of our movement the most essential force of socialism. Fascism and Nazism grew not because of the inherent wickedness of one people, but because the international forces of reaction sensed the growing danger to their privileges through the organised workers movements. Hitler came to power in Germany, not only through the help of German capitalists and reactionaries, but also through financial help of reactionaries of other countries.

In 1929 I was in Germany. I saw Hitler's poisonous propaganda, I saw the brutal methods by which this propaganda was put over. Hitler's first victory in Europe was his victory over the German people.

I knew German victims of fascism - I saw them, when they came to the House of Commons in 1933 to tell us about what was going on in Germany. Terror was rampant, the concentration camps were packed. One of the best loved German working class leaders in this country was Huseman, the leader of the German miners. He was a good German and a good comrade. His blond beauty and his 100% German ancestry did not save him from being murdered most foully. Many pure blooded Germans died, because they were 100% socialists.

The first years of the Nazi rulership were spent by breaking thoroughly the spirit of the German people and by moulding them to Hitler's purpose. This was done by the most ruthless terror and curtailment of every human liberty and right. Even in 1936 Hitler began threatening the world outside German borders.

His purpose was quite clear for everybody to see, but the world did not want to see. They did not want to see, when Italy and Germany intervened in Spain, they turned away their eyes at every further encroachment.

[Seite im Original:] - 4 -

There would not have been a world war, if all the implications of the 30th of January 1933 had been recognised in time. Now Hitler's days are numbered. We have to overthrow the Axis first, - and thoroughly - there will be no rebuilding until this task is achieved. But after this has been done - we must make it clear, that there will be room in the world too for the German people, after they have become sober again.

We cannot cease to be socialists, and socialism means international cooperation. The United Nations must mean all nations - must mean recognition of each other's rights. My Party, the British Labour Party, promises you, that it will not betray this obligation of international socialism. I have come here today to express my sympathy and goodwill of my party. The task of rebuilding a new society will soon be upon us, we can only do so as socialists and by cooperating as international socialists."

Walter Schevenels, General Secretary of the International Federation of Trade Unions.

"I was in Germany when Hitler seized power. I lived in Germany for two years before that event and I can claim to know the German people and especially the German workers. I am glad to testify that the great majority of the people and especially the German organised workers movement were honestly convinced that after 1918 they had made a sincere effort to build up a real democratic Germany. In the latter months of 1932 we were all living in the highest tension. German workers by their hundreds and thousands fought in the streets day by day, night by night, against the gangs of Hitler hooligans, paid by reaction. They fought - and this is too easily forgotten today - on these battlefields hundreds of German workers lost their lives and tens of thousands risked their lives.

It is true, the German parties made errors and showed weakness, but may those countries, where faults have not been committed, rise. Special economic circumstances, certain traditional weaknesses in democratic experience enabled Hitler and Mussolini to succeed.

It is quite untrue to say that our German comrades failed to fight.

[Seite im Original:] - 5 -

Looking back now, one recognises that the German Republic was not lost in 1933, but in July 1932. But till January 1933 we thought all was not yet lost and we tried desperately by all means to save, whatever freedom we thought could be saved. Perhaps we have in this desire sometimes used methods which we now think were not right. For instance, our talks with certain German Generals or with certain heads of German States - but we lived in such a state of continuous high tension, we clutched at every means of preserving the last shreds of freedom, we hoped for a miracle to happen, and then Hitler became Chancellor, but even then we did not give up.

We had conferences all over Germany to prepare for action. I remember a conference in the beginning of February 1933 where Edo Fimmen and myself took part with full powers from the international organisations which we represented to assist in any action, even the most drastic. But then came the Reichstagsfire and this was Hitler's first real victory. It created confusion, and after the election of March 5th the battle was really lost. Our comrades had not lost their faith in socialism but their hope in success of action. After March real terror ruled in Germany, very bloody and quite open in the first months, more hidden and cunning later on.

I wish to say something in favour of the anti-nazi fighters inside Germany. Before I left, we had a conference with our German colleagues. This was at the end of April, and a week later, almost all of them had been arrested. I shall never forget how in this crowded room the Chairman stood up and shook hands with me and said: 'You are going back to the free world. Tell our friends that, whatever faults and mistakes we have made in the past, we have been honest and sincere in our endeavour. Tell them we will remain faithful tell them, not to forget us.'

Knowing the German workers, I can say the majority have kept their word till today.

From 1935/36 onwards it became evident, that war was threatening. International Labour changed it's policy on war and re-armament and endorsed the policy of using force against aggressors. The German comrades themselves warned us about the things that were going on.

[Seite im Original:] - 6 -

In those years I met underground fighters in meetings all over Germany and responsible German comrades warned us: 'Don't wait too long with the war on Hitler. You might be too late for a short and easily won war.' I vouch for those statements.

Today there are people who think it wise to treat the whole German people just as Hitler treats the Jews - they condemn the German people as a whole. Some even say that German socialists want the Nazis to win the war. We know the motives that make these people speak like this, we understand what reactionaries of all countries want to achieve with this propaganda: they want to destroy the freedom for the workers all over the world.

Why did the German comrades warn us in 1935? Was it in order to help Hitler to win the war? Maybe they partly acted from egoistic reasons, because they felt themselves alone too weak to overthrow the Hitler regime and they looked for help to the well armed democratic powers. But his was not their sole reason, they also acted for the sake of International freedom.

In our propaganda we must avoid by all means to create the impression that all Germans are doomed together.

At the end of ten years of Third Reich we are filled with new hope, we can see military possibilities in the near future. I express the hope that these operations will not be alone the work of the allied armies, let us hope that the German workers will rise in time to win with us a decisive victory over their and our enemy.

This will make it easier to realize the hopes of international cooperation."

Louis de Brouckere, former President of the Socialist and Labour International

"Ten years ago Hitler promised to Germany and Europe 1000 years of the most glorious time. Today Europe is in a state of decomposition. A misery unheard of for many centuries is rampant on the continent.

Though the actual position in Germany is not quite as bad, it is equally hopeless. Though people there are not dying through famine, they are dying in their millions on the battlefields of Europe, and Germany sees coming on her

[Seite im Original:] - 7 -

the unavoidable fate of aggressors.

Hitler did not succeed in splitting up his enemies. The four greatest nations of the world are united against him and gaining in strength day by day. And oppressed Europe is fighting back too. I, just as an example, should like to give a few facts about my country. Belgium: every day a Quisling or German has to pay with his life, every day several Belgians die, but the struggle goes on. Sabotage increases. Output per head in engineering works has sunk to 35% of its former level. Violent sabotage increases. Only last week, eight German trains were derailed. Tens of thousands of people live illegally. There are 7 million foreign workers inside Germany, they are a source of great anxiety to the Hitler regime. I hope, they will together with millions of German workers have their part in crushing Nazism from within. - My German comrades, we are living in terrible times. It is necessary to crush the Axis powers first. But if we have the will, we also have the power to make the victory our common victory. We have a common cause, a common aim, we all have the same ideals. We all try to reach these ideals by the same means. We shall first have to liquidate the Junkers - and not only the German Junkers. We shall have to liquidate the power of the big industrialists - and not only of the German industrialists. We shall have to crush the power of the Prussian army which did so much damage to Germany before it ravaged Europe. We can only reach this aim, if we work together. Our German comrades cannot reach it alone, we cannot reach it alone. We must all work together.

We must put aside old prejudices. Some people say, all fault is with the German people - some say all fault lies with the Versailles peace treaty. But there has been aggression in the world before - and not only - German aggression. And there have been peace treaties before. No, the causes are much more profound: they are economic, moral and political.

There is all necessity today to unite all our forces as it has been already expressed by a great Frenchman: "L'Union des travailleurs fera la paix du monde!"

(The unity of the workers will make the peace of the world.)

[Seite im Original:] - 8 -

Hans Vogel, Chairman of the Union of German Socialist Organisation in Great Britain

"For ten years now Hitler has ruled Germany. His rule is conspicuous by stupid bestiality and cruelty, never known to mankind before. Never in all its history has Germany drawn the hatred of the whole world upon itself in the way as has been the case under the rule of Hitler and his gang. This hatred - only too understandable and justified - is shared by [us] German socialists. But we distinguish between the Hitler regime and the German people and especially the German workers.

We have already shown our hatred against Hitler under danger to our liberty, to our honour and our life at a time when others have played up to Nazism and have shown them their well meaning toleration. It seems, as if especially those circles today want to hide their own bad conscience under this limitless hatred against the whole German people. Nazi atrocities do not date from 1939 onwards. From the first day of the public appearance of this movement there have been killings, tortures and persecutions, destruction of the basis of culture and justice, illegal rearmament assaults on other countries, from propaganda to open threats of war and annexations. But our continuous warnings and informations about the threatening danger of war, were put aside as 'emigrants talk', which was only put about to make possible the return to our country at the cost of other people.

We do not want to complain about these happenings now, but we want to imply, whether the memory of these happenings should not be cause enough for all of us for a sincere self-examination. This is all the more necessary, if we really have the wish to come together again on international basis in our common struggle for liberty, for the reestablishment of truth and for the triumph of justice.

We German socialists have never defended the crimes of national socialism. We have never recognised the motto of all chauvinists: 'Right or wrong, my country.' We always have fought for justice, even if that meant fighting against the country, which is our

[Seite im Original:] - 9 -

homeland. Therefore we think, we have the right, also to demand justice for our own tortured people, and in the name of this justice to demand the punishment of all those who are in reality responsible for Nazi-crimes. Even then, there will be a necessity for self-judgement and moral re-orientation of the whole German people which process would not be achieved without severe measures.

The coming German Revolution must not be satisfied with having Hitler and his gang removed by the victorious armies of the allied nations. The power of these forces who have been really responsible for the event of Hitler, the army, the big industrialists, the big landowners, the bankers, must have their powers taken from them and other forces have to be put in their places. The economic situation of the masses has to be put on such a basis that never again they will be driven from want and hopelessness to let themselves be betrayed into following leaders who destroy their rights and liberties. It is futile to believe - as evidently some people do - that the peace of Europe can be secured by putting sixty million people in the heart of the continent - on the level of the most backward and poverty-stricken countries.

There is much talk today about educational prerogative of the victorious powers in the reeducation of the German people. This is a very serious step to contemplate, for the educational autonomy is the most elementary right of every nation. Every measure, coming from outside, will be easier to bear if it is made clear that this is thought only for a time of transition, with a not too prolonged time-limit. Decisive ought to be the honest and sincere will to destroy the Nazi-ideology and everything connected with it.

The German Youth must be shown new tasks and they must be given new hope, so that they may [be] able to play their part in the reconstruction of our planet, together with the youth of the world.

In this way, we differ fundamentally from those who want to make a fifty-year long concentration camp of Germany and who persecute and vilify us because of our faith towards our anti-Nazi comrades at home.

On the other hand, there are people in England and elsewhere, who denounce us for being too little patriotic, and who look upon us as traitors to our country.

[Seite im Original:] - 10 -

Probably after the war there will again be people, who, in order to safeguard their own interests, will be quite ready to work together with the 'genuinely national' forces inside Germany, and who decline to have anything to do with those who think really on international terms. All this has happened before - and sometimes it almost seems as if there was much more 'Internationalism' on the other side of the barricade.

The German working-class movement cannot have any future as the play-thing of international groups of vested interests - its strength lies solely inside Germany. This fact ought to be contemplated very seriously indeed among International Socialists.

The fall of National Socialism must be the signal for a real fundamental change, not only inside Germany but throughout the world.

Our whole social and economic system must be put on a new basis. This is a task which not only concerns the German people and the German workers, but which concerns all peoples and the workers of the whole world.

This will call for the closest international cooperation, and it will not be possible to fulfil this task if one intends to exclude the German working class movement. Already once, we have dismally failed internationally - let us not miss again this chance of real reorganisation of the world on a socialist basis.

The fate of mankind is given into our hands - it depends on us whether we shall this time succeed to build a real socialist world."



[Spendenaufruf]

Contributions
towards the costs of this report
will be received with gratitude by

Wilhelm Sander

33, Fernside Ave., London, N.W.7



Zu den Inhaltsverzeichnissen