[Beilage zu SM, Nr. 45, 1943] |
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of the discussion on the future of Germany
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(January 1943)
German Socialists now in war work or in the Pioneer Corps have asked us to keep them informed about discussion on the future of Germany so that they can try to reach the more essential publications in libraries or with their friends. In these pages, German socialist members of the German labour organisations in this country will publish a monthly
survey of the discussion on the future of Germany
in daily papers and periodicals. We ask our readers to help us by sending critical remarks, cuttings (which will be returned in due course) and hints as to articles which we may have overlooked. We do regret that paper shortage does not allow to give more than short characterisation.
Yorkshire Post.[1] Dec. 31., Jan. 1.: "The German problem" by D.W. Brogan[2]: Disruption of Germany into single states would merely lull Europe / "Prussianism" is not only Prussian / G[erman] industry not to be destroyed but used for European reconstruction under supervision / control of G[erman] imports / territorial changes (Silesia - Saar - Lower Rhineland) / European security system / of all potential allies inside G[erman] industrial workers most promising.
Times, Jan. 11, by a correspondent: "European control of the great European public services - a control in which Germans can play a useful part - is one of the best safeguards against --- German economic imperialism.
Economist, Jan. 9, Germany's loot (how to unscramble the omelette)
New Statesman, Jan. 16, Psychological Disarmament by Brailsford. - Who shall reeducate the Germans;
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motive of the people who propose Crown Colony government for post-war G[ermany] is fear of social revolution.
Vrij Nederland[3], Jan. 30, Leader: "Geistige Entwaffnung Deutschlands". - Uebernahme des Unterrichts durch Auslaender wuerde, wenn ueberhaupt moeglich, verhaengnisvoll wirken. Der fremde Unterricht wuerde verhasst sein und nur inneren Widerstand wecken. Deutsche Lehrer unter internationaler Aufsicht. Die Aufsicht muss wohlwollend sein und den deutschen Volkscharakter kennen. Sonst nutzlos.
Free Europe, Jan. 15. The "Never Again Association"[4] published suggestions for a post-war policy towards G[ermany] and the other Axis powers.
Among others, military occupation at the enemy's cost / trial of war criminals not to be left to German courts / dissolution of the Reich into her component parts / restocking of the devastated countries from German public and individual sources / all Axis nationals to be expelled and all refugees with very few exceptions who had to be naturalised to be repatriated / no diplomatic rights for post-war Germany.
(for the background see the pamphlet "Never Again"[5] - Hutchinson, pag. IV, 6,13.) -
President Raczkiewcz's[6] (Poland) New Year speech, among others: about German-Polish frontiers -(compare article in same number by Smogorzewski[7], note on page 34 and sharp criticism in the Central European Observer, February 5th.)
Left [News], (January) Hilda Monte[8]: "The enemy within the gates", De Man[9], Doriot[10] and some "Fight for Freedom" writers fight against their old ideals. "F.f.F." is based on the same principle as Hitler's anti-semitism and both try to distract attention from social evils / "F.f.F." do not want a social revolution in Germany though it is the only way to solve the German problem.
The Norsemen. In the first edition of "The Norsemen"[11], the excellent new review published by Lindsay Drummond[12], Arne Ording asked for "a real international organization for the enforcement of law" to prevent "a new German imperialism from starting a third world war."
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President Benes writes:
"There will perhaps not even exist in Germany a government with whom one could deal. This government, the word taken in a wide sense as comprising the whole set of a nation's institutions, is just a thing to be created during the period of the occupation of Germany by the United Nations, or the Great Allies ... No armistice should be accorded to German forces unless it embodied clauses regarding the general civilian order to be established in Germany pending the conclusion of a Peace Treaty in the ordinary sense of the word. The Peace Treaty itself, which presumably will be concluded after a number of years, should be not only just - we want justice, although not a unilateral justice, we want justice also for ourselves - but even generous in view of the very fact that the internal conditions of Germany will have become changed during the armistice period so as to promise, on her part, a voluntary peaceful collaboration ... I have never pretended that all Germans are bad ... However many Germans may have sincerely regretted Hitler's advent to power in 1933, in my opinion the people as a whole [is] as much responsible for Hitler and Himmler as are the Americans for Lincoln[13], Wilson or Roosevelt, the British for Gladstone[14] and Churchill, the Russians for Lenin and Stalin, the Italians for Mussolini, the Japanese for their present war-lords and Czechoslovakia for Masaryk ... In my opinion no nation can be changed merely through pressure from without. The re-education of any nation merely means a profound internal change, both political, social, economic and moral, and this can be attained only through a profound inner revolution. If after this war we do not succeed in causing Germany to pass through an internal change and revolution of the profoundest nature which will purify the German people form all the filth and evil into which Germany has been dragged, not only by Nazism but also by its whole national political education of the last sixty or seventy years since 1870 and even since Frederick the Great, then we shall have a third world war in another twenty years or so."
Fortnightly[15], January, Viscount Sankey[16] "war criminals"; limited number of trials; national courts and a special international court.
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The Nineteenth Century[17], January. We quote from an article by F.A.Voigt[18]: "The war is, above all, a war of nations". He thinks: "The patriotic German will soon be saying 'Right or wrong my country' (or its equivalent), however he may condemn the purpose his country pursued when it first went to war." (We add: that is Goebbel's hope.) "The saying 'Right or wrong my country' is not an expression of national egotism" - "It will perhaps be said that a liberal Germany would not have gone to war. It is true that without the NS Revolution in 1933 ... the second World War would not have come in the way it did come, if at all". V[oigt] goes on: "A rearmed Germany, whether democratic or undemocratic, civilised or uncivilised, will always endeavour to make herself - whether by war or by peaceful penetration - master of Poland an Bohemia". "Given the limitations which will have to be placed upon her sovereignty to keep her disarmed, Germ[any] must be left free to choose what form of Government she wishes. G[ermany] unarmed will always be preferable however despotic (our italics) to Germany armed however liberal". "Re-education cannot be imposed by one country upon another by force without results that will be the reverse of what was intended. Events will do much for the re-education of the Germans".
The Nation (New York) January, 2nd :"German Leadership in Exile" (The political value of the Emigration). "The Nation" published the statements of four distinguished refugees of varying views. (Gerhart Seger: A Socialist Solution. Werner Thormann: A Liberal Catholic Answer. J.A. Gumbel: From an Independent Democrat. Leopold Schwarzschild[19]: A Counsel of Pessimism)
Letters to the Editor, Kopecky's[20] interpretation of Paul Tillich's "War Aims" pamphlet is "clear abuse". F. Kuehnl[21], Central European Observer, 8th. January, Critical remarks by Mr. F. B. Czarnomski[22] about Fraenkels book "The Other Germany" illustrating also the ideological background of the critic. (C.E.O., 22nd Jan.)
Supplement to "Sozialistische Mitteilungen"
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