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Contents:

1. Refugees in France

2. The problem of interned refugees

3. Events of 1941

4. Radio-talk to the German workers

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EXTRACTS

from the

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June, 1940. - Armistice. A vast stream of refugees - about 13 million men - flooded over France. Villages became cities. Toulouse grew, in 72 hours, to a city of 700.000 inhabitants, being formerly a town of 150.000. There were no empty rooms, no beds available. Masses lodged in halls, station buildings, barracks, schools, or in the streets. Defeat and flight had deprived them of everything: of hope, energy, home and property. The only thing they had got was the certainty, relieving and at the same time disgraceful: "For us, the war is over!"

The alien refugees

Among these millions, there were some thousand German and Austrian refugees who had every reason to think quite differently. A time of terror started for them. Clause 19 of the armistice conditions provided the extradition of Germans. Almost all the refugees feared that this clause might apply to them. Their mental situation was quite as miserable as their material situation. Almost all of them had been interned for some time. The former Spanish fighters had been kept behind barbed wire for two years. Only a few had succeeded in saving their belongings. The majority were nearly destitute and did not possess more

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than the clothes they stood in. Numerous refugees were still - or once more - in internment camps. The rest spread all over unoccupied France; Montauban, Toulouse and Marseilles being the main centres. Some refugees hid in lonely country places - for reasons of security. Very few returned into the occupied territory.

Aliens forbidden to travel

An order to this effect prevented most of the refugees from leaving their residences, chosen by chance and frequently unsuitable. At first there was no centre of organisation or information in this unspeakable disorder. The local organisations of the French Socialist Party and of the French Trade Unions could offer only limited assistance, and mostly for a very short time. They had their own sorrows, were without any means, without central leadership, and soon they became victims of the Laval-Government. In spite of all that, not only they, but also the leading comrades of the Russian, Italian and Polish emigration gave proofs of international solidarity, which will be gratefully remembered for ever.

The hatred of aliens

Incited by reactionary propaganda during the preceding years, increased in these days of disaster, want, unemployment, and shortage of goods and food. The crimes committed by parachutists and the Fifth Column had effects unfavourable for the German refugees. There they were - without money, home, food, jobs and even the right to work, without permission to stay or permission to go; no chance of being assisted, threatened by hostility, by re-internment, by labour-camps and camps for suspects, by extradition, by the fact that Gestapo officials inspected those camps, and the result was a desperate mood of the political refugees. Only one thought was in their minds: "To get out, at any cost, out of this country!" But that was no easy matter. Switzerland returned non-French refugees. Passenger shipping was prohibited. The Spanish frontier was closed. In spite of that, hundreds and thousands of refugees crossed the frontier in adventurous ways, with visas and passports of sometimes dubious character, and went to Spain and Africa, to Lisbon and overseas jobbers, smugglers, and adventurers enjoyed prosperity.

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Money unlocked many doors, as always. Needless to say that our political friends hardly belonged to those who could do the trick.

The Executive Committee of the Social Democratic Party.

The exact figure of Social Democratic refugees in France is unknown, since no registration had taken place, It can be assumed that the figure was 700 or 1000 incl. dependants. At the end of June, 1940, almost all the members of the Executive Committee of the German Social Democratic Party and some of their collaborators were assembled at Castres, in Southern France, after some trouble.

Connections with the other members of the Executive Committee and with Friedrich Adler could be re-established in time, and further measures could be discussed. The Executive Committee, although deprived of all means and, for some time, even of all foreign relations (wires abroad took six weeks to arrive), tried to seek help for the German political refugees, even those outside the rank and file of the party.

Our friends in England

started action immediately after the collapse of France, and they applied successfully for visas on behalf of a number of comrades who were known in this country. But, unfortunately, the visas could not be issued in time, as the British Consulates in France were closed at the end of June.

The German Labour Delegation in New York

which is the representative of the Executive Commitee of the German Social Democratic Party in USA, had applied for emergency visas, greatly supported by the Jewish Labor committee, and sponsored by the American Federation of Labor. The German Labor Delegation sent one of its friends, Dr. Frank Bohn, from Washington to Marseilles. He made great selfless efforts to initiate the work of rescue. This work, started at the critical moment by German Social Democrats, secured life and liberty for hundreds of refugees of various nationalities. The work of rescue was carried out, not according to partial views; if for instance, a number of German writers (non-Socialist), representatives of Socialist groups and other political

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organisations are now free and safe in USA, they owe it to this well-timed Social Democratic action. It was much later that other people also took part in this work of rescue. - In July, 1940, the Executive Committee of the German Social Democratic Party was informed of this work, and was asked to assist the American Consul and Dr. Bohn. The Executive Committee agreed and delegated two members to Marseilles. At the same time, the Executive Committee wired an additional list of political leaders (incl. leading members of other political groups) to USA. This list was accepted; the visas were granted. Discussions with USA-authorities, with Frank Bohn, representatives of other political groups followed. There was, however, nobody who could give an estimate of the

Number of required visas.

The Executive Committee of German Social Democratic Party compiled therefore, in touch with the representatives of other groups, a provisional list of all Socialist refugees of different groups. (It contained 451 names, Marseilles, Mediterranean port and biggest city of unoccupied France, had an American Consul General and consuls of many other countries; it became the centre of emigration and the "Mecca of emigrants" who tried to invade it in spite of the travel-restrictions and the strict control of railways and roads. The Executive Committee of the German Social Democratic Party also went to Marseilles. It was impossible to carry on the former activities on French soil. It was therefore agreed to emigrate and to make efforts to resume the activities in England or USA. One member of the Executive Committee was appointed as worker for the care of Social Democratic refugees in France. He was to work in closest touch with Frank Bohn.

American emergency visas.

The State Department in Washington had granted about 400 emergency visas for distribution: 118 for Germans, 23 for Austrians, 47 for Italians and the remainder for Russians, Poles and other refugees. The distribution quotas and the names of the recipients had been decided upon in USA. Not even 50% of the German quota were given to Social

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Democrats. Most of the other visas were given to non-Socialist writers, journalists etc. Many Socialists, especially the underground workers - who, of course, were unknown in USA - had not received visas. It was a most important task to provide visas for these persons and to organise the emigration of those who had received their visas; but that was not the only task.

Difficulties of emigration

were extraordinary. Visas could not be given before the Consul General in Marseilles had re-examined the cases, which sometimes caused difficulties, sometimes even refusal. Visas were not given unless the Consul was satisfied what the applicant was either a famous writer or scientist or the leader of a Workers movement, or a man in immediate danger. It was not always easy to prove that. The Consuls, who were not so familiar with European conditions, had a limited knowledge of persons only. Later on, these difficulties were overcome by the following arrangement: The Consul accepted written certificates from the representative of the Executive Committee of the German Social Democratic Party, by which the danger, threatening the applicant or his leading activities, were confirmed. The consuls did what they could; but the number of the applicants was so big that it was impossible to meet even a considerable part of the requests and applications. Sometimes the mail was 4000 letters daily.

The French authorities

refused exit permits for German refugees. Thereby the distribution of emergency visas was stopped for some time, for the American Consul regarded this exit permit as the condition for giving the immigration visa as well as the emergency visa. Intensive efforts of those concerned, especially of Dr. Bohn, resulted in the withdrawal of this condition with regard to the emergency visas. Other difficulties arose in the meantime. Shortly after the collapse of France a small passenger ship carried refugees to Portugal, successfully avoiding Spanish territory, so much feared by many refugees. But some further experiments of a similar kind, all of them very expensive, failed. There was only one way left: The way across the Pyrenees! In many cases this illegal crossing of the Spanish frontier was done successfully, with the aid of French Socialists.

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But suddenly the Spanish authorities refused to recognise the American Refugee passports and the Czechoslovak and Polish provisional passports. They demanded "correct" national passports, although most of the refugees concerned had lost their nationalities long ago. Thus, many refugees with valid visas were held up at the frontier, and sometimes it seemed to be impossible to solve this problem. But it became possible, for different reasons. Other passports could be provided, other methods were tried out, and eventually the Spanish authorities cancelled their measures. But new difficulties arose.

The frontier control was tightened.

Travellers were arrested in Spain. Portugal demanded evidence that the passage overseas had been paid. Spain demanded that the French exit permit should be produced. France was, in some cases, prepared to grant the exit permits, but on the condition that Spanish and Portuguese transit visas were obtained before ... It was the usual well-known game of bureaucracy at the expense of helpless people. Arrangement of emigration became a secret science. At the End of 1940, only very few German refugees succeeded in leaving France. About Christmas, almost 300 German families and individuals, among them about 30 leading Social Democrats, had valid emergency visas for USA, but no chance of leaving France.

Owing to certain conditions it was then possible to transfer the majority of this Social-democratic group to Lisbon. Later on the situation improved owing to the pressure exerted by the USA-Government and resulting in a more liberal grant of exit permits, and to the newly opened shipping route Marseilles-Martinique-USA. In spring, 1941, most of those who had obtained emergency visas, were safe - with the exception of Rudolf Hilferding and Breitscheid who had been surrendered by the French authorities to the Gestapo.

Struggle for more visas.

Some hundred refugees were safe, but far greater was the number of refugees without visas. Their feeling grew more and more desperate owing to the critical situation of France and further restrictions of residence and food. In autumn, 1940, Dr. Bohn succeeded in providing some

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more American emergency visas in Marseilles. In some cases, less distinguished oversea-visas proved to be good for travel to Lisbon. Some Mexican and Brazilian visas were also granted. But all that was far from being sufficient. We had approached, by letter and telegrams, our friends in USA, making them for further visas. (more than 150 air mail-letters and cables informed our American friends on the situation of the Social Democratic refugees.) When Dr. Bohn returned to USA in autumn, 1940, he carried a list of 500 German Socialists of all groups. It was learnt in October, 1940, that the State Department in Washington was not prepared to grant further emergency visas en bloc. All our efforts and all those made by our friends in USA were in vain. The USA-Government was only prepared to grant individual emergency visas, and that under certain complicated conditions only. Our friends in USA tried to provide a number of visas in this way, and they asked us for documents, which were submitted for all endangered Social Democrats. But visas were granted only in some exceptional cases; whereas other people, who were more successful in getting affidavits, enabled a number of other emigrants to depart.

Negotiations with various consulates,

in order to obtain visas for other countries, after the failure of the USA-action, were not very hopeful. These negotiations and the co-operation with Jewish and Christian Committees and Agencies in the countries concerned resulted in much work, but not in the grant of visas. Only in some exceptional cases, it is not surprising that the morale of the refugees still in France declined more and more. Suicides and attempted suicides became more frequent.

Self-aid.

Late in autumn, the members of the different Socialist groups could re-establish their connections with their friends in USA, and the Refugee organisations in USA resumed their activities on behalf of those refugees in whom they took interest. We could, therefore, confine our efforts to our own friends who needed help more urgently than before. The friendly cooperation with the other representatives was thereby not affected. Mutual aid, good will and understanding of the needs of other groups crea-

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ted a good atmosphere. In December, 1940, we were in touch with about 160 Social Democrats (plus their 300 dependants) who lived in different parts of Southern France. About 30 of them were interned, most of them at Camp de Gurs, and 40 others were in Camps for foreign labourers, some of them in Africa.

The conditions in the camps

were often, and rightly, criticised. No internee will ever forget those times. Hostility against these foreigners and useless eaters, hatred of aliens of a different political creed, lack of organisation, and most of all, shortage of all the necessary goods, caused by Nazi measures were the chief reasons for the bad conditions. The conditions for refugees outside the camps were not much better. France was starving - small wonder that the refugees in France were in need. An additional hardship was caused by police measures.

Compulsory residence

in remote villages was ordered for refugees in Toulouse and Lyon. They could not earn anything at the places where they were sent. Reinternment, frequent police raids, arrests, call-up of foreigners who had been demobilized before, deportation of emigrants to Africa, recurrent orders and restrictions affecting aliens and Jews, and unceasing rumours created waves of panic. Nobody who did not live there was able to believe all that - and even to understand it.

Material improvements and practical aid

We made many efforts for helping our Social Democratic refugees. We succeeded in obtaining the release of some friends from internment camps, others could be relieved from difficulties with the police, and others could be transferred to special camps for old people, for the sick, or for emigrants. Our methods had to be adapted to any new situation, and they were often unusual. The problem of material assistance was difficult. When we started work we had practically no funds. The money sent from USA was not even sufficient for paying fares and maintenance for those leading Social Democrats who had obtained their visas. At last we obtained funds. Several hundred thou-

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sand French francs were collected. Some leading friends sacrificed their last money for that purpose; assistance was given by our Swiss and Swedish friends, by international Trade Union organisations etc. The men in internment camps and in the country were - and are still - in dire need, and our possibilities of assisting them were small. Rationing in France was already at the end of 1940, far stricter than in England now, and it applied to almost everything. The official rations were insufficient in 1940, and they have been diminished since. Many people received, even then, less than the official rations, and this kind of thing has gone on, to a serious extent, during the last months. It is not possible to replace rationed food by non-rationed food, as there is none.

Want of clothing and linen

and of all other daily needs was and is still grave. Nevertheless not only almost all Social Democrat refugees in Marseilles, but also those in camps and in the country were supported by money and goods, during 4 or 6 months. From Marseilles we sent everything we could obtain and for which we could pay: coats, shirts, suits, boots, blankets, sausages, bread, coffee, tea, flour, soap shaving cream, razor blades, medicines, foreign papers etc. During many weeks parcels of three and five kilos each were being sent. The cleverness and the zeal of our helpers who hunted for these precious things - how they got hold of them, was never disclosed - was beyond all praise. Soon we got into touch

with Organisations of assistance

set up by large American and French Refugee Committees and with the Swiss Workers Assistance. These organisations offered invaluable help in different ways, especially by sending money and parcels to many of our friends almost regularly.

But there should be no illusions: all that has been done and is done, is not sufficient, and it is clear that this provisional assistance is no solution of the problem.

The present situation.

Many emigrants tend to believe that the work of rescue is finished if they have escaped from the concentration camp which is Europe, and are "out" and safe. The fact that a

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number of well-known writers and politicians has been rescued, let many people, especially in non-Socialist circles, declare that "almost all" are now safe. Recently some New York refugee papers published reports from Committees and organisations, which could lead to the conclusion that the main problem has been settled. But reality is different. It is true that many well-known writers, politicians, journalists and artists left France. But many others are still there, especially many members and officials of the

Workers Movement

and they suffer from hunger, want, persecution and fear of extradition. That should not be forgotten! Two thirds of more than 200 Social Democrats (the dependants excl.) are still in France! Not even 100 out of the 700 applications for visas, which one Refugee Committee at Marseilles made, have been granted so far. Our present representative in France, who carries on his work under most difficult conditions, stated that there are at present still 500 German and Austrian Socialist refugees in the South of France, not including their families and the Communists, and that all of them could be vouched for. There are nearly 100 urgent cases, where danger is imminent. Only a few of these 500 refugees have visas, but they are unable to leave the country for various reasons. There are some among them who received their emergency visas months ago. They made many efforts to leave the country but failed and are resigned.

The new conditions for emigration to USA

may have the result that immigration and emergency visas will be granted for our friends in exceptional cases only. The rigid regulations of transfer from USA, the growing difficulties in providing exit and transit permits may prevent even holders of visas from leaving France.

Visas for Mexico and Brazil?

Visas for other oversea countries are as difficult to be obtained as visas for USA. Practically, only Mexico and Brazil are offering some hopes. But there are already thousands of emigrants in France who have Mexican visas, which cannot be used as there is no direct route to

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Mexico, and transit visas (via Cuba or USA) are too expensive. Efforts have been made for months to emigrate these refugees. So far, success was reached in a few cases only.

The situation in France.

There is only one thing left: trying to keep alive in France. This experiment demands luck and energy, and it will not be successful in every case. The food provision has become miserable; the resources of the country are nearly exhausted. The situation of Frenchmen is grave. The position of refugees is hard to describe. Aid from abroad can hardly be expected. Several Aid Committees were compelled to interrupt or to discontinue their activities. V.M. Fry, a distinguished American, was deported on the ground of his work for refugees and brought to the Spanish frontier. - The situation of the Social Democratic refugees in France is especially difficult. More than one third of them are still in different camps. Some obtained work in mines, some others are labouring as charcoal-burners, as farm-helpers or foresters. Many are too ill, too weak or not allowed to earn anything. Financial assistance cannot be expected. Jewish-American labour-organisations sent some money early in 1941, but lack of funds and difficulties of transfer interrupted further assistance.

Help from Swiss friends

seems to be the only chance at present, although their funds are small and the demands are great. Export of food from Switzerland was prohibited in January, 1941; sending of food parcels has ceased since that time. Our Swiss friends are now trying to buy farms for refugees. Thus, efforts are made to enable at least some of our friends to live at one or two farms in the South of France. Also in some other ways help from Switzerland may be arranged.

Appeal.

Some of our refugees have been held up on the way from France to overseas. Others are desperately lonely in camps in French Africa, others in Spanish concentration-camps, threatened by extradition, and some are at Casablanca or Lisbon. For them, passage may be arranged.

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There is a war on. Millions are fighting and dying. Individual fates are no longer important. Our friends in France are a small minority, some hundreds among the millions of French and foreign refugees.

There are still millions of Frenchmen far from their homeland. There are 150.000 Spanish refugees, the poorest and most persecuted of all refugees.

There are more than 50.000 Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria, and ten thousand refugees from other countries.

All of them are suffering and starving.

More than 10.000 are interned at camp de Gurs, about the same number at camp Argèles, some 1.000 at Vernet and thousands of others in many other camps, surrounded by barbed wire.

All of them are victims of Hitler and his crimes.

But nobody will blame us for drawing your attention to this small body of German Social Democrats who are spread over many places, bravely facing their misery, cut off from the outside world, but still inspired by the hope of Hitler's overthrow, and by their belief in our Party and the final victory of all for which it stands.

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[Spendenaufruf]

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Aid for interned German refugees in Great Britain and the Dominions

The activities of the German Section of the International Solidarity Fund, Room 64, Bloomsbury House, Bloomsbury Street, London, W.C.1. (Tel: MUSeum 2900, Ext. 64)

Internment of refugees

The decision of the British Government to intern refugees of German and Austrian nationality in May, 1940, and during the following months created unforeseen difficulties for all those bodies which were delaying with the welfare of such refugees. For many months after the outbreak of war, the Refugee Committees had been busy giving information about the refugees under their care to the Tribunals, set up by the Home Office in order to examine the claim of any alien of enemy nationality in Great Britain to be exempted from internment. As a result of these examinations, the vast majority of the German refugees were classified as "Refugees from Nazi oppression" and exempted from internment. Not more than 800 Germans had been interned when the Tribunals finished their work in Jan. '40. 300 of these internees had been arrested immediately after the outbreak of war. The total number of Germans in Great Britain at that time was 63.000. About 7000 of them were granted a "B"-certificate by the Tribunals, that meant that they were exempted from internment but not from certain restrictions applicable to enemy aliens. All the others if not interned, were granted "C"-certificates, exempting them from internment and from special restrictions.

There was reason to believe that the vast majority of refugees in the "C"-category were fully trusted by the authorities, and the Home Office even ordered a review of all the "B"-cases in order to find out how many of these cases could also be classified as "C".

This reexamination was going on when Hitler launched his attack on the Western Front in May, 1940, and the grave danger of invasion resulting from the adverse development of the campaign in the Lowlands, and in France changed the opinion of the authorities and many of the public with regard to the German and Austrian refugees in Great Britain.

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At Whitsun all "enemy aliens" living in the newly created "protected" areas were interned, "B"-cases and "C"-cases together. Some days later, all male aliens holding a "B"-certificates were interned throughout the country. On May, 27th, all female aliens holding a "B"-certificate were arrested and interned, some in prisons, most of them in the Isle of Man. Then followed a drive against refugees classified as "C", of whom 25.000 (nearly all of them men) were interned during June and July. They were sent to various camps in England and in the Isle of Man, but 7000 of them, married and single men, were, without warning, shipped away to Canada and Australia.

Self-aid for Socialists

The first weeks of this period of internment and deportation were overshadowed by what the Home Secretary, Sir John Anderson, described as "Muddle and stupidity" in a later debate in the House of Commons.

Internment of aliens was discontinued when the camps, which were mostly not destined for large numbers of civilians, but for a certain number of prisoners of war, were seriously overcrowded, under military administration, not familiar with the refugee problem. We shall not recall the details of that situation which has been dealt with in many books, articles, and speeches since.

From the point of view of those who were working for the welfare of refugees, the two greatest problems were the following: to find out where the interned refugees had been sent, to look after their dependants and the belongings they had left behind, and to consider the question of assisting the internees who had, in most cases, just a few pence or shillings when arrested. The German Section of the International Solidarity Fund had to face these problems under conditions of special difficulty. One of its workers was among the first to be interned, the other two could, for many weeks, not be sure of being exempted from internment, and as money was needed for collecting the belongings of the interned friends and more money for assisting them, the fact had to be considered that there were no funds available for these purposes.

Most of the German Socialist refugees were either registered with the Czech Refugee Trust Fund, as they

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had come over from Czechoslovakia, or earned their livelihood by work in this country.

The Czech Refugee Trust Fund stopped all allowances to refugees after internment, and those who had worked, lost their financial basis by internment.

Under these circumstances, the International Solidarity Fund, Bloomsbury House, decided to start a collection for German Socialist and Trade Unionist refugees in internment camps. With the help of the British Labour Party and of British and international Trade Unions, assisted by not-interned refugees and their English friends, supported by contributions from refugees in the Pioneer Corps, this collection had a good result, in spite of all the difficulties. A list of more than 120 interned men and women was drafted in cooperation with representatives of the different groups of Socialist refugees and Trade Unionists, and it was possible to send 10sh to each of these internees in the first and second month of this self-aid-work, and thereafter to send 5 sh monthly to each of them.

Up to December, 1941, £ 314.3.10 had been collected for internees by the I.S.F. and £ 311.1.10 had been sent to the internees (nearly 800 payments).

About 60 interned German Socialists and Trade Unionists who were still interned in the Isle of Man in December, 1940, received Christmas parcels, and about 20 refugees, who had been sent to Australia, received 10 sh each from the I.S.F. at Christmas 1940.

We are not going to describe all the problems we had to face when collecting and sending this money. We just point out that it was extremely difficult, in the first period of internment, to find out the whereabouts of the internees.

The conditions of mail to and from the internment camps were extremely bad, and very often the internees had changed the camp before we received their messages informing us of their "present address". In many cases they had been sent overseas before they could get our letters or the money we had sent. We need not explain how much trouble, how much useless correspondence, and how many interviews with authorities and dependants of internees were caused by these conditions.

Release of internees.

By the end of July, the public criticism of the general and indiscriminate internment of refugees, of the condi-

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tions in the camps and the measures of deportation had resulted in very vivid debates in the House of Commons, and early in August, the first White Paper on the release of civilian internees was published. It contained 18 categories under which release of internees could be granted by the Home Office. During August and September, the first batches of released internees returned from the camps, most of them either sick or persons who were "Key workers" in industries of national importance. It was the time of the early stages of the "Battle of Britain" which added to the difficulties of settling these released internees after their return.

There was only a very small number of Socialist refugees among these who were released at that time. As a matter of fact, the first White Paper did not mention political refugees, and there was no category under which an internee could be released on the ground of his political history and his proved loyalty towards the British cause in this war against Hitler. There was also no mention of refugees who had been classified as "B" cases by the Tribunals after the outbreak of war, but had not been reexamined by the "Advisory Committee" set up by the Home Office, for this purpose, shortly before the general internment started.

Category 19; the new Tribunal.

We were represented at several meetings of delegates of the Refugee Committees, where the problems of release were discussed and recommendations were made to the newly appointed Advisory Committee, which was to suggest further categories of internees eligible for release from internment. The I.S.F. urged a new category for political refugees, and, with the support of the Labour Party, this suggestion was submitted to the Advisory Committee, and a new category appeared in the second White Paper, issued by the Home Office later in August, 1940. (It was also stated in this White Paper that internees in the "B"-category were eligible for release under the categories if an Advisory Committee sitting in the Isle of Man would grant them a "C"-certificate after reviewing their case.) The new category, No. 19, referred to any internee

"as to whom a Tribunal, appointed by the Secretary of State for this purpose, reports that enough is known

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of his history to show that ... he has consistently, over a period of years, taken a public and prominent part in opposition to the Nazi system and is actively friendly towards the Allied cause."

For the consideration of applications for release under this category a new Tribunal was set up in Sept., in London, and the task of this Tribunal, the chairman of which was Sir Cecil Hurst, K.C. was to advise the Home Office, "after considering all the information available", whether the applicant was eligible for release under cat. 19. The Home Secretary had stated in the House of Commons that the Tribunal should get in touch with competent political refugees in order to get the required information on the political history of the applicants. In agreement with the Labour Party, the I.S.F. formed a committee of German Socialist refugees, which could assist the Tribunal by furnishing information on interned German Socialist refugees who applied for release under cat. 19. A former German Social Democrat who had become a British subject by naturalization, was appointed as chairman of this committee, where the German Social Democratic Party, the SAP (German Socialist Workers' Party), the ISK (International Socialist Fighting Union) and the "Neubeginnen"-group, these three (SAP, ISK, NB) by one delegate - and the German Trade Unions were represented. One worker of the I.S.F. acted as secretary to this committee, to which a panel of experts was attached, who were asked for information in individual cases.

A meeting of this committee was held every week for six months, and later, when the bulk of applications had been dealt with, the activities were continued by correspondence. The co-operation with the Tribunal, its chairman, secretary and members, proved very satisfactory, and almost all the recommendations made by our committee resulted, after some time, in the release of the internee concerned. In 212 cases the Tribunal asked our committee for information. More than 1.000 letters were written by us (some of them air-mail-letters to internees in Canada or Australia), there were interviews with the chairman and the secretary of the Tribunal, and some rather complicated investigations were necessary in order to confirm the statements made by several internees in their applications for release. By Christmas, 1940, more than 50% of those German Socialist and Trade Unionist refugees who were

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known to us and were interned in Great Britain, had been released, the majority of them under cat. 19.
By the end of February, 1941, more than 75% of these refugees had been released from internment.

The internees from overseas.

The most difficult problem was the release of internees who had been sent to Canada and Australia. With the exception of the unlucky "Arandora Star" and some casualties on board of the "Dunera", all these internees had arrived safely in the Dominions; but they were very upset to find themselves treated there as "prisoners of war", and the promise that many or all of them would be set free and would have the chance of settling overseas - such promises were in many cases given by officers who selected internees for deportation - proved to be quite unjustified. There was, in fact, no such chance, since the dominion Governments had accepted the internees under the assumption that they were specially selected "dangerous elements".

Naturally, the internees in the Dominions wanted to be released in the same way as the internees in Gr[eat] Britain. But there was the long distance between this country and the Dominions, there were the tremendous difficulties of correspondence, and there was not only the scarcity of shipping space but also the great risk of life of the internees. We approached the Trade Unions in Canada and Australia and individual friends in USA asking them to assist the deported internees, and these requests had some good results as far as Canada was concerned.

Finally, the Home Office sent one of its officials over to Canada, and another to Australia. They went to the internment camps and discussed the question of release with the internees. They selected those internees who were prepared to return to Great Britain and were eligible for release under the categories of the White Paper. It was, however, not easy to arrange the passage of these internees to England, and only a small number of them could return with each transport.

In January, 1941, the first transport arrived from Canada. The first transport from Australia did not arrive until August, 1941. Now, all those German Socialist refugees who were sent to Canada and were prepared to return to Great Britain have arrived here, but some of them are

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still interned in the Isle of Man, as the negotiations about their release are still going on. Most of our friends in Australia seem to be still there, but there is reason to hope that they will sail shortly.

The problem of "War Refugees".

The vast majority of released internees could find some employment useful for the war effort. They are now either in the Pioneer Corps or in industry, forestry or agriculture. In the period between their release and the start in a Training Centre or in actual work, they were maintained by the Refugee Committee which was responsible for their maintenance before internment. There is only one exception from this rule: there are refugees among the internees who had not been in Gr[eat] Britain before their internment and were not registered by any Refugee Com[mittee] in this country. - We are speaking of those who fled from France, Holland, Belgium or Norway after the Nazi-invasion, came over to this country, where they were interned as "enemy aliens" immediately on their arrival. Officially, these are regarded as "war refugees" like the French, Belgian, Dutch and Norwegian refugees. But the Refugee Organisations set up for the "War Refugees" are only responsible for refugees of French, Belgian, Dutch and Norwegian nationality.

Care for the German "War Refugees".

For a long time, it was not clear who would care for the German "War Refugees" in case of their release from internment, and it was for that reason that the authorities delayed their release. After long negotiations an agreement was reached by which the Public Assistance was entitled to maintain these refugees; but all Refugee Committees (with the exception of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund) were prepared to deal with these cases for which Public Assistance rules. - There were quite a number of German socialist refugees, especially from Norway, to whom these difficulties and their solution applied, and the I.S.F. made all efforts to clear up the situation and to speed up the release of the internees concerned, some of whom were women in the Isle of Man, and many of them men who were deported to Canada a few days after their arrival in Great Britain.

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The assistance for internees and for their release from internment has been one part only of the

activities of the German Section of the I.S.F.

Space does not allow to deal with its other activities at length. In former times the question of visas and of registration with and maintenance by Refugee Organisations was the chief concern of the German Section of the I.S.F. Now, the problem of training and employment has become the most urgent problem of refugee work, and the German Section of the I.S.F. is dealing with this problem in contact with the German Trade Unions Centre and with the Labour Exchange for Germans and Austrians in London. We are in constant correspondence with many friends in the Pioneer Corps, we receive and answer many letters from friends now employed in factories, farms and forests in different parts of the Kingdom, and we are glad to be able to give advice and assistance to them in various matters. Finally, we are in touch with many friends abroad, in Sweden, USA, South America, South Africa and Palestine who are anxious to get news from Great Britain and of our friends in all parts of the world although letters to these countries take a long time.

"Sozialistische Mitteilungen"

has been a regular source of information for German Social Democrats in Great Britain and has also found many readers in overseas countries. After some trouble it was also possible to send copies of this newsletter to internees.

The first issues of the "Sozialistische Mitteilungen" appeared shortly after the outbreak of war.

Since January, 1940, the newsletter appeared every fortnight. Since August, 1940, it has been a monthly publication of 20 to 28 pages.

It has been the only German periodical in Great Britain, the publication of which has never been interrupted during all this time, in spite of countless difficulties and the ever rising prices for paper, stencils, printing ink, postage etc.

All the money needed for this purpose had to be raised by appeals to our readers and friends.

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The Events of 1941 as seen in the "SM"

The following are quotations, translated from leading articles on political events, published in the "SM" in the course of this year.

War over the World

"Clouds gather in the Balkans, since the Nazi-Army has settled in Rumania and has apparently invaded Bulgaria, from where an attack on Greece may be made ... In the Far East, Japan seems to be preparing to join the war on the side of the Axis, in spite of all peace declarations ... There are still people who believe that this is a war for or against certain nations or a war about territories and colonies. They are mistaken. Far more is at stake: this is a war between dictatorship and democracy, and the military successes of dictatorship in the first year of war will be checked, in the long run, by the democracies finding allies in the countries ruled by dictatorships."

(SM No. 23, 1.3.1941)

The Lease Lend Bill

"... The approval of this bill was one of the most important decisions in this war. Hereby, the United States have irrevocably abandoned their neutrality in the struggle between dictatorship and democracy; they have taken sides with British resistance, and made themselves the arsenal and store of fighting democracy ... In comparison, the "neutrality" of the Soviet Union appears in a really poor light. It is a twilight, causing the most different expectations, because Moscov's policy is leading the Soviet Union into a more and more dangerous position ...

Hitler's offensive at his newly created Eastern front is to be expected, after all that has happened."

(SM No. 24, 30.3.1941)

The Eastward Drive

"The eastward drive has induced Hitler to abandon his dogma of war on one front only, and to send his armies to the theatres of Mussolini's defeats: to the Balkan mountains, where an advance into Asia Minor will be tried, and to the Libyan deserts, where an attack is directed against Egypt and the Suez Canal. But eastward - over the Atlantic - American help will come to Britain and the British troops in the Near East. Eastward - over the North Sea - the R.A.F.

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will direct their attacks on the centres of German war industry again and again. Eastward - against Japan - the people of China will carry on their defensive war."

(SM No. 25, 30.4.1941)

The Great Expansion

"Hitler's great expansion is leading to incalculable consequences. He has had to warn the German people that the war will not end this year, as previously promised ... Then Hitler's subjects must realize that the adversary is not conquered by driving the British from the Continent that the ring is not broken, and the war not won."

(SM No. 26, 30.5.1941)

The Invasion of Soviet-Russia

From the Arctic to the Black Sea the world's strongest armies are locked in battle ... If they exhaust each other in long battles, the peoples of the Continent may be relieved from the pressure, and the power of British and American democracy can become the dominant factor in politically re-shaping the world."

(SM No. 27, 30.6.1941)

The Atlantic Charter

"Anyone still asking for the meaning and aim of this big struggle has been answered by the great and noble declaration made by Churchill and Roosevelt at their Atlantic meeting. Here, it has been made clear that territorial gains or economic advantages are not the issue, but the victory of democracy willing to secure, for the peoples of the world, a just order and a peaceful life, free from hatred and want, and safe against a resurrection of the murderous movement which is responsible for this war."

(SM No 29, 1.9.1941)

The counter-blow.

".. Without winter-quarters, without the oil booty, without having destroyed the Red Army, Hitler's armies are facing the Russian winter, which compelled Napoleon's armies to retreat. If Hitler's armies do not follow Napoleon's example, hundred thousands of frozen and starved men will be added to the millions already lost ...

The men of Vichy seem to be willing to help Hitler in North Africa ... Even more may be expected from Japan by Hitler and Mussolini ...

Whatever may happen, an attack on Thailand, Burma, Sibiria or the Philippines, - the USA will have to strike a counter-blow.

(SM No. 32, 1.12.1941)

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Radio-talk to the German workers

On the occasion of the 9th November, the anniversary of the German revolution in 1918, the B.B.C. in London broadcasted some German talks, among them the address to the German workers by

Hans Vogel, chairman of the Social Democratic
Party of Germany,

which was broadcast four times on the 9th and 10th November, 1941. In this address, Hans Vogel recalled the overthrow of the Imperial situation, stressed the importance of the Atlantic Charter and urged the German workers to contribute to the overthrow of Hitlerism and not to forget their great Socialist and international traditions. The following words of the address were heard by us:

Am neunten November 1918 brach das Kaiserreich zusammen, und Deutschland wurde eine Republik. Das Kaiserreich brach zusammen, weil es das deutsche Volk in einen Krieg gegen die ganze Welt geführt hatte, der schon verloren war, als er begann.

Am 29. September 1918 forderte die Oberste Heeresleitung den sofortigen Waffenstillstand und Frieden. Die Niederlage war nicht eine Folge der Revolution. Sie war bereits da, als die Revolution begann. Wieder steht Deutschland, irregeführt von einem falschen, nacht-wandlerischen Führer und einer ihm willfährigen Generalität gegen die ganze Welt.

Die Atlantik Charter Churchills und Roosevelts zeigt, dass nach diesem Krieg auch für ein unterlegenes Deutschland Raum und Platz ist im Rahmen einer internationalen Zusammenarbeit für wirtschaftliche und soziale Sicherheit aller Völker und jedes Einzelnen, für Freiheit, Gerechtigkeit und einen dauernden Frieden.

Voraussetzung dazu ist allerdings, dass Deutschland in seinem eigenen Hause Ordnung schafft. Schwächen und Unzulänglichkeiten der November-Revolution und der Weimarer Republik dürfen sich nicht wiederholen. Sie haben den Feinden der Republik und ihr späteres Spiel erleichtert.

Deutschland selbst muss einen entscheidenden Anteil zur

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Sicherung eines dauernden Friedens und für die verständnisvolle, glücklichere Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Völkern beitragen. Eine tiefgehende demokratische Umwälzung ist in Deutschland notwendig.

Sie darf diesmal nicht Halt machen vor den sozialreaktionären Schichten, die Hitler zur Macht brachten und die für das gegenwärtige Unglück verantwortlich sind: den Grossgrundbesitzern, den Schlotbaronen und Bankgewaltigen.

Diese Schichten haben die deutsche Arbeiterklasse immer gefürchtet und gehasst und die deutsche Arbeiterklasse hat die geschichtliche Aufgabe, ihre Macht entgültig zu brechen, nachdem die erste grosse Gelegenheit 1918 versäumt wurde.

Hitler versucht immer wieder, Euch einzureden, dass die November-Revolution in der Geschichte Deutschlands ein einmaliges Ereignis sei, das sich niemals wiederholen werde. Aber die deutschen Arbeiter können und werden auf die Dauer sich nicht mitverantwortlich machen für die Verbrechen ihrer eigenen Henker, für die Geiselmorde der Gestapo, für die systematische Ausrottung ganzer Volksstämme und Rassen, die die ganze zivilisierte Welt gegen Deutschland geeint und das deutsche Volk völlig isoliert haben.

Ein besonderes Wort möchte ich an Euch, meine Freunde aus der früheren freien Arbeiterbewegung richten.

Eure - unsere - Bewegung nahm einst eine hochgeachtete Stellung ein innerhalb der internationalen Arbeiterbewegung. Mit Bewunderung blickte man auf Eure Organisation, auf ihre Leistungen und Erfolge, auf ihre Zielsetzung und auf Eure Solidarität.

Heute sehen die Arbeiter der Welt wieder auf Euch, auf Euren Schultern liegt eine grosse Verantwortung!

Neunter November! Vermächtnis, Gelöbnis und Erfüllung!

Nazi-Deutschland muss sterben, damit ein demokratisches und freiheitliches, das heisst, ein wirklich sozialistisches Deutschland erstehen und die Welt in Frieden und Wohlfahrt leben kann. Freiheit!

Issued by the London Representative of the German Social
Democratic Party, 33, Fernside Avenue, London NW7.

Zu den Inhaltsverzeichnissen