We often say, and really mean, that PASOK has come from way back and will go even further. Our course may well adapt to changing circumstances which may require twists and turns in our course. But this is precisely why we are, and will remain the popular majority movement which has governed this country for many years. Moreover, along our historic path we maintain remarkable consistency. Irrespective of failures, mistakes, inconsistencies, problems, intrinsic or underlying weaknesses, for us the best general interest of the Hellenic people is always the ultimate measure of our actions.

In the face of the difficulties we are enduring today which we would like to overcome, by using this Convention as a catalyst, many ask if we have changed our goals and direction, if we still maintain our historical values, principles and initial targets. This time our answer will not take the form of a new ideological declaration. It will be a collation of some phrases encapsulating our ideological background.

PASOK is an open socialist, patriotic and democratic movement battling for the universal values of freedom, democracy, peace, solidarity amongst all people, spiritual and material progress, social justice and the prosperity of the citizenry.

It has faith in the historical and humanistic values of democratic socialism and, with by all lawful means, protects the life of the individual, the free development of their personality and their dignity.

With our ideology based on the declaration founding PASOK on "September 3rd" 1974 we seek to strengthen and fight for national independence, popular domination, social emancipation and democratic procedures. It is firmly orientated towards achieving national unity, defence of our country's territorial integrity and serving the best interests of Hellenism everywhere. It also battles for and advances the social interests of the powers of progress and creativity, the weaker classes and echelons of the population and steadies itself on the massive social majority of the forces of labor, production, culture, science, ecology and social solidarity.

It contributes to strengthening contemporary multi-party parliamentary democracy with all its power. It defends the fundamental rights of all citizens. It preaches for a free, pluralistic and just society, which will be cohesive, it will provide equal opportunities to all and it will believe in meritocracy. To this end, it spurns oppression, exploitation and alienation of any individual. It fights for a fair distribution of wealth. It believes that any person on the face of the earth has a right to life, a dignified way of life, education, free time, to express his opinion without fear, and to be his own master.

Finally, PASOK reinforces citizens' initiatives to protect the environment, raise the standard of living and pursue the right to work. It encourages every attempt to preserve and project our cultural heritage. Furthermore, it is in favor of free individual or collective artistic pursuits (and, in turn, criticism). It aspires not only to make education available to all sections of society, but also for the individual to be spiritually accomplished, that is, through his culture.

Further, it believes that all the residents of our country, including migrants to whom we have extended hospitality to live and work in Greece, have these rights irrespective of their national, religious, cultural and social differences.

Using these ideological axes as guides, we are following development of the global community, in the global era and are participating on an equal footing in the processes of the European Left and European socialist movements, in the processes of the progressive global socialist movement, and the Socialist International.

2. We turn yet another page

In a world subject to lightning changes, we continue to use "Greece comes first" as our policy banner.

We are fighting for a powerful democratic, modern Greece, developed and just, in a Europe united and in progressive in global competition.

We are fighting for a Greece which is a significant regional European power, a force for peace, stability and cooperation in the wider area.

We are fighting for a Greece which today - especially today - can actively contribute to the progress of humanity in a world without borders.

For us, there is no contradiction in defending a homeland, which by its nature, history and course is universal, and in defending the goal of European and global cooperation for a just, safer and prosperous world. We are sure that in a world without borders, in a united progressive Europe, we have a more powerful position and more important role.

With our country's entry into the Economic and Monetary Union, which essentially and officially validates our presence in the forefront of European developments, we have definitely risen to the challenge that has accompanied our Movement throughout its historic course for many decades: To cease being a nation panting breathlessly as it attempts to keep up with developments.

Today we are well aware that not only can we keep up with developments, but feel more secure with greater ability and more opportunities to play our contemporary role.

This historic leap forward was won with a hard struggle. It was not granted us by anybody. We realized it by our own persistence and power of will, with the consent and the sacrifices of our people, especially the weaker social classes and groups.

Today, while we turn yet another page as a country and as a society, we must inevitably turn a page as the party which brought things to where they are. The party which, henceforth, aspires to set the standards and to play a leading role in the chapter which opens a truly new era; the turn of the page.

3. We need a new social contract now

In order to achieve these goals for our country, we had to make two successive social contracts with the people.

The first, focused on Change during the 1980s, essentially salvaged Greece from underdevelopment, dependence and marginalization bringing her into the modern world, placing a re-united hellenism in a dignified position.

The second, focusing on Modernization during the 1990s, brought Greece into the nucleus of the European entity.

Today we need a new social contract focussed on Prosperity, which will secure not only the definitive position of our country in the course of the developed countries of the planet, in the decade we live, but a life worth living for all our citizens, with justice, security and solidarity.

Thus, "the citizen first" policy complements the banner of our options and becomes the starting point for our modern new progressive proposal.

The citizen coping in a democracy. The worker coping with his work, the contemporary social state, the fairer and more proportional distribution of wealth. The resident of the city and the resident of the countryside coping with the environment and their living conditions. The consumer facing contemporary civilization and the quality and utility of goods offered to them by modern production. The migrant in the face of his need for social acceptance. A young person coping in a society and country to secure the prerequisites for making their own way and forming their own perspective

Everyone of us individually must feel his obligation of social reciprocity sense and face up to an effort, the fruits of which yield an ever-increasing positive developmental and social balance. Always in Greece as she constantly strengthens her voice and position in the world wide and European setting.

Prosperity has three foundations which reflect on the central issues of our times. Development, the contemporary state and democracy are all at the epicenter of evolutionary development, here and everywhere

The new social contract must clearly aim at ensuring development with justice and security, in order to provide new inspiration for reforms in a modern state, and consolidate a contemporary model of democratic government. Upon these three foundations through our Convention, we will form a progressive contemporary radical framework of policies and goals.

We already have a binding agreement. That which was voted for by the people on that difficult but victorious day in 2000. It is not merely venerated as a product of constitutional order or of popular commission. It is a credible, up to date framework, directed towards the correct target which sets out significant and timely priorities

We are not dogmatic. In the 18 months which have passed since then, new data which we must incorporate into our political thought and practice have been established. Data which relate to the manner in which we will implement our agreement, the procedures which shape our political policy in practice, our attitudes and exercise of power, the completion of our decision making, the specialization , re-examination up dating and/or correction of our priorities

The resolutions of our Convention must set the boundaries of this contemporary radical and progressive framework of policies and goals, in such a way as to strengthen our governing policy and make our party again capable of taking the initiative in political and social evolution.

The new progressive social and political majority, which will implement the social contract for Prosperity is our target, and prerequisite for the Movement to revert to a victorious strategy. Our first major stride will be for Greece in the year 2004, on the horizon for our first review. The results and the social returns should be evident and measurable by then.

4. United front against present and the future needs.

In relation to the periods of time we move ahead confirming that it (the front)resists the passing of time giving us strength and prospects, changing that which has passed by and tending to brake the course of our struggle

Thus, as in the 1980s and 1990s, from Change to Modernization, we have retained the goals and policies which gave meaning and substance to our battles, and at the same time have pushed ahead with renewal of our aspirations and choices. Change, Reform and Modernization have neither reached nor exhausted their limits. In the cycle of prosperity, they still constitute our constant, renewable and principal directions embodied in our intrinsic nature and strategy.

Upon this dialectic relationship to the new social contract together with the present progressive proposal, a new unity must be built up within the ranks of our movement.

The lines dividing the "old" and the "new" P.A.S.O.K. will be overrun.

Unity will not be impressed on the field of the 1996 confrontations, relationships and the distribution of power which we have established in every previous period, but according to the needs with which we are now living and which will come in the future.

We are not trying in this way to avoid critical appraisal of our course, nor to confront obstacles we ourselves are responsible for placing in its path. We simply want to place criticism in the context and dimensions of a totally justified course. And to decide upon necessary changes, new measures and options in their real proportions.

Our Movement has the power of self-awareness and the collective conscience of this evolution. It also has a vigorous internal strength of renewal, change and adaptation.

It must now prove in practice that it will be directed to the right objective in today's critical circumstances.

And this is the main requirement of our Convention:

The party's new unity is to be the basis of present and future. needs

Therefore, the new unity is (to be) built on a basis of the contemporary modern proposals of the Socialist Left and the powers of progress.

The new contemporary progressive internationalism in the face of the consequences of globalization. The proposal of the European Left for a progressive Europe in the world of competition. Acceptance of the market and its rules in a regulative context which ensures balanced growth and social prosperity. The modern role of the state as a simultaneous vehicle for the State of Law, of the modern Social State, of the State as a headquarters for development growth and the State which redistributes income and wealth in a more proportionate and just fashion, and ensures prosperity and quality of life for its citizens. It is an ideological and political framework which is constantly enriched with new ideas which give rise to new needs. It is the ideological pedestal and emblem of the Left embodying the unfailing changes brought about in modern times.

5. Confrontation is bipolar. The right wing is our opposition

In facing this proposition, the conservative parties insist on giving first priority to the achievement of prosperity exclusively by means of market mechanisms and unlimited competition. They believe that globalization will inevitably lead to a new more just order of things. They see the European perspective in the light of conservative protectionism and re-internationalization and perhaps the abolishment of intervention policies or their restriction them to monetary union conditions, disregarding the significance of economic union.

They equate the social benefits with consumer products and trades them for profit in the context of the market being accepted as the exclusive mechanism for economic and social distribution, the privatization of social services and resources as the natural consequence and the acceptance of social inequalities.

They are prepared for the effective diminution of European political institutions and total rejection of their developmental, distributive and social role to limit them to the areas of the Market, Currency, Security, External Policy and Defense.

Following a relatively protracted transition period, during which the dividing lines seemed to be weakened, the policy would be neutralized, the power of personal images promoted. We are already entering an era where progressive policies are again being fenced in by the conservative stance.

The dipole progress - conservatism, contemporary socialism - neo-liberalism, is a clear hypostasis and determines social and political developments. In our country, this bipolar confrontation is developing a more distinctive, deeper dividing line.

The Hellenic Right does not posses the solid European Christian - democratic tradition and conservative forces. Neither does it express a contemporary conservative proposal for governing the country. It has always been a deeply reactionary, anti-institutional force, identifying itself with the state, dividing citizens into categories, always linked to the interests of the oligarchy. Even today, despite attempts to improve its image and prospects, the appearance of a thoughtless populism and the adoption of every pretension in the name of "opposition for opposition's sake", as they visualise a vengeful return to power, not for a moment do they lose their deeply retrogressive conservative nature

Even in relation to matters of rudimentary social modernization, their stance serves the most unrestrained reactionary perception. It is not by mere chance that they presented forceful opposition to all our reformatory and progressive initiatives, And when they were called upon to govern in the early 1990s, their policies led the country into tragic failure and an impasse.

Today, the New Democracy party is dominated by insurmountable contradictions, all held together by an expectation of obtaining power as the only adhesive. Nationalistic and obvious neo-liberal views co-exist, extreme right-wing and royalist junta forces mix with the neo-conservative. Internal contradictions which preclude the formulation of even one, at least, credible and coherent conservative proposal

The prospects of the New Democracy party today, as expressed by its leadership and the backbone of its members, are worse than they were during the period 1990 -1993, when they held the country and society in stagnation.

6. Restructuring a wider progressive domain is basically for us to undertake

In turning the page, however, the context of bipolar confrontation cannot remain as it was in respect of the progressive domain.

The central left-wing in Greece was dominated in the previous period and is still dominated by standard historical records.

Initially, the political center which, prior to the dictatorship, was the heart of the democratic front was incorporated into PASOK during the first period of the change of government with an overwhelming majority, thus pushing conservation to the right extreme of the political system. The European central Left never prospered in Greece for that very reason.

The relationship between PASOK and the traditional Left shifted amongst "bipartisan domination" and the authority of "parties-wildcards", and this was a relationship which centered upon the distribution of power, in the name of uniting the progressive forces.

Nevertheless, in the mass and social domains, for many years the line of democratic cooperation which led to positive developments was consolidated into the need for cohesion which came as a demand from the very basis of the great democratic front.

The other Left, as it is expressed by its old forms but also from the processes of the past years, cannot form a third pole. The unfulfilled aspiration to proven regulator of the developments and a essential participant in government, to date, limits it to secondary roles. At the same time, conflicting courses are developing from within between the two parties of the historic Left, the "renewed" and the "traditional", with clear and strategically important divergences.

The new formations which were structured from centrifugal tendencies of the progressive parties and from their fragmentations, developed into anything but forcible and dynamic and essentially remained on the outskirts of the developments.

Today, the global and European developments and the country's stable orientation are a field of convergence from the progressive forces. They pave the way to a new era of new relationships and to the development of new potentialities. PASOK, today, is still a main vehicle for stability and progress in the political system. However, that very same political system has problems and inadequacies which must be managed. So, we have the key responsibility of setting the bases of its evolutions and at the same time we must redefine the terms of the new progressive policy and social majority. The reformation of the greater progressive domain is still an objective which is indeed more timely than before.

7. the new progressive majority has a clear and decisive social reference

Beneath the all-powerful edifice of globalization, the rich, multifaceted and changing reality of the new era can no longer be confined to traditional patterns of social antithesis alone. The antitheses which resulted from the initial clash between labour and capital are being transformed

The intermediate layers did not vanish, and even now exist, and are playing a more significant role as they consolidate their position through the acquisition of knowledge. The post-industrial and technological production model is reversing the balance, reforming economies and transforming social classes. The "social center", the receptor of these rapid changes becomes the "apple of discord" for political parties and surveys of public opinion response..

Within this fluid and difficult scene, we are nevertheless, obliged to seek our social references and set the boundaries for the new progressive coalition of social forces which will constitute the pedestal of the new progressive majority. In other words, it is imperative for us to redefine in contemporary terms the social alliance of the underprivileged and the 'have-nots'.

Firstly, a new progressive social coalition must present a stable front against the forces of superficial cosmopolitanism, against counterproductive economy, parasitic groups and corruption.

Moreover, it means that the basis, the core of this coalition will be continue to be made up with the workers' forces and the weaker sections of the population -which have always been the backbone of PASOK. That is, workers, the wage earners, the agricultural community, businessmen operating small and medium sized enterprises, the unemployed and pensioners. Politics owes them support, distinction and to be explicit.

The central position in this effort is accorded to the high priority given to the linkage or the organic relationships and structures within the triangle formed by institutionalized labor forces - the unemployed and economic migrants. It is this is, upon which the unity, cohesion and solidarity of our society will be judged.

The progressive social coalition is constantly widening in parallel with the groups generated in the era of new entrepreneurs, the scientists of specialized labor. These forces can actively contribute to the productive restructuring and modernization of the country.

And, of course, the new coalition must address, and incorporate those social forces which are campaigning for contemporary demands relating to ecology, culture, education, the network of social solidarity, equality, social problems of young people, as well as protection and safety of the citizen and the environment. In other words, whatever comprises quality of life in the world of the present and the future.

As a result, the new progressive social coalition rallies around the forces of labor, production, culture, ecology, science and social solidarity, in a constantly widening social majority.

8. An "open door" policy without preconditions or attempts to dominate

It is obvious that the political management of this coalition is a complex and difficult issue, which cannot be confined within the walls of a party and identified with it.

Neither can it be implemented within a fragmented left of center with incompatible orbits

Formulation of a progressive majority policy within a framework of coherent strategy is required

A progressive majority :

The prime vehicle, the main pole of this effort is unquestionably, PASOK; which is obliged to remain a great, united majority.

It will be our intitative to pave the way for real convergence of all the forces active in the central left domain, through central, regional and local initiatives of a statutory nature, to

face great modern problems. To formulate programmatic and political agreements for the renewal and evolution of our political system, with improvement of the quality of political and social dialogue amongst the parties, civic action, fronts and domains. The only road open for us is :

An "open door" policy with no attempts to dominate and no preconditions. Which not only do we declare, but we have the boldness, the will and the initiative to move along

9. What should change in PASOK in this new epoch

PASOK is a contemporary European socialist party, bound up with the tradition of the great democratic forces and the struggles of the Hellenic people for national independence, popular rule and social justice. At the same time, it is a popular, majority party with power which for many years has led the country forward, as an effective, progressive, transparent and effective (instrument of) government.

As an organization, PASOK is an open, democratic and representative movement.

In order to meet the demands of the complex duties described here today, we must

proceed with a "sovereign" transformation the main target of which will be to reunite the virulent, modern and creative forces in Hellenic society.

PASOK as a party which has been in power for many years, must change into a Party, in an open political community. Presenting itself to the new progressive social coalition as a credible political domain of open public deliberation, which leads to the structures and functions of a new order and social negotiation.

The undertaking, which in any case demands many years and will be the target of many unsuccessful attempts, has two serious difficulties. The first is that it is occurs in the wider context of policy judgment and criticism, and the second is that the party's "denationalization" and its reorientation in society will be obliged to pass over the structures, functions, mentality and practices we built up during a whole era.

If, during the change of government, the establishment of PASOK was associated with intense political and social radicalism, the dynamics of popular participation and self-organization, in the new age of modern social reality, reformation and evolution must be associated with shaping policy, expansion and strengthening of society and with the active citizen. It is becoming clear that there are no organizational formulae or models for this change.

The Movement in the cycle of the changes of government must mainly evolve into a Contemporary Party Institution with coordinated functions and processes. With limits set in the areas of decision making which define its relationships and expressions.

With a modern organization of collective action.

We need a Party - A real social entity subject to constant change and reform.

We need a Party - An integrated Governmental formation which collectively processes, formulates and implements policies and proposals.

We need a Party - A developed communicative institution which comes into direct and immediate contact with the social activity and communicates with citizens of all categories and groups.

We need a Party - Which bursts out of its entrenchment behind the walls of the state and is fulfilled on a European and local level by real processes of decentralization and distribution of powers.

It is clear that such evolution presupposes a new cohesion and composition which exceeds the fixed power relationships of authority.

Problems, such as the relationship between Government and the Party, the granting of independence of action (autonomy) to executives who function in institutions, the Central Committee's procedures and of parliamentary representatives in relation to other local authorities - can only be dealt with, constructively and permanently in this way

If this evolution is not the result of conscious political choice of central originat, every change in the party is marginal and incorporable into our perennial quest and judgment.

At the same time, PASOK must become a real Movement - active citizens, open to society which organizes its base and its political action as a popular majority force.

The new progressive political and social majority is not entrapped in closed organizations, it does not level out diverse currents and trends, it does not void multitudes of interventions and routes.

From the beginning PASOK was organized as a Movement, and today, more than ever, it must stand and evolve as a Movement. And so that there will be no misinterpretation, this does not concern the reproduction and broadening of liberalism nor the indeterminate at the base or the unformed functions without form, but rather the contrary. Redefinition of the status of the member who in practice is accorded the right to participate in decision making and participate in specialised actions and policy formulation. And, of course, transparency in their lives and actions. PASOK is a force of morality and political responsibility and it must prove this in practice. That is why it will establish party "means test" procedures for all members who hold party and state positions.

The reinforcement of direct democracy, the decentralization of power, within the party, the discrete role of the party in the overall operation of the political formation and the strengthening and improvement of collective organs at each level, are the basis of change called for in these times. It is for this reason precisely that the changes must encompass the nature of a true transformation of the existing PASOK , the dynamics of its reestablishment and have a specific orientation: The return to the Movement's bases the new type of peripheral Party organisation, the new collective political management of PASOK.

Within this trilogy,

Improvement - Revival - Expansion

must henceforth be our guide for our political planning and action.

The political enhancement of PASOK as a collective political entity which is centrally marked in a credible and practical way.

Renewal of ideas, people and practices for the reception of which the necessary sectors and preconditions exist and are being formed.

Expansion into social and political forces with bold initiatives, openings and open procedures.

In order to attain its important role, PASOK today is called upon to intensify its efforts

to set ideological and political boundaries against the conservative front. To consolidate its participation in the formulation of positions and politics with constant feedback from the Government and Parliamentary Group, in accordance with permanent ,consolidated procedures. To undertake the responsibility of organizing and directing social dialogue which leads to development agreements in every facet of real development at every level. To heal the wounds and injuries caused recently in relation to the mass and trade unionist monument. To process the steps and undertake every initiatives leading to the formation of our political and social alliances. To upgrade our international relations by exchanging experiences, processing proposals and taking international initiatives in the framework of the European Left and international socialism.