In the World and in Europe
Labour stands for:
1.) An open and generous Ireland, learning from other people, and contributing to solving human problems. That’s a core value for the great majority of Irish people. It is one we share.
2.) Self-centred isolation, or putting up the shutters, is neither practical nor right. That’s why above all we advocate the continued undertaking by Ireland of a positive role in international relations. Our membership – and the strong role we can play – in international organisation like the United Nations, the European Union, and the Council of Europe are crucially important.
3.) In each of these, Ireland has a voice and a forum to promote both our interests and our values. Labour will always fight for co-operation with other countries in efforts to create a stable framework for international relations. This framework must reflect both the rights of small and large states and must provide for the solution of disputes by peaceful means, rather than by military might.
The Broader World
4.) Labour would not support Ireland’s seeking full membership of the WEU, nor joining NATO. We do believe that there should be serious debate about how Ireland can best contribute our long-standing expertise in areas such as peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance to the cooperative efforts to ensure stability and true security in Europe. We recognise the crucial role of the OSCE in the evolution of pan-European arrangements for security and conflict resolution.
5.) This could involve acceptance of certain appropriate tasks in the context of this country’s role as an observer within the WEU.
6.) It could be a legitimate and proper role for Ireland to participate, in due course, in the pan-European structure of the Partnership for Peace. This has already been joined by other European neutral states such as Switzerland, Austria, Finland and Sweden. The Partnership for Peace is not a military alliance, Ireland would be free like all other countries to negotiate its own terms.
7.) Nuclear disarmament remains a critical element of Irish foreign policy. Labour will vigorously pursue this objective within an overall policy designed to bring about conventional disarmament.
8.) Our aim must be to rid the world of the horror of land mines and chemical weapons, and to control the activities of the armaments industry and of international arms dealers.
9.) The United Nations will remain a cornerstone of Irish foreign policy. Support for effective international action in areas such as disarmament, peacekeeping, development and human rights will be given priority. The UN must be given the resources and political support necessary to cope with the great world problems of economic despair, social injustice and political oppression.
10.) Conflict prevention must be the first step in all confrontations and the mediation capacity of the UN must be strenghtened. Ireland will seek to secure a more representative Security Council and will seek election to the Council in the year 2000.
11.) Irish policy will emphasise the significance of the UN specialist agencies UNICEF, UNHCR and UNDP.
12.) Labour believes that Ireland must continue to play a significant role in peacekeeping. We will support the concept of standby units of military and police for use by the UN. We will also support the strenghtening of the UN’s capacity to direct and manage peacekeeping operations.
13.) Labour favours extension of UN mandates to cover human rights considerations. Ireland has no National Human Rights Institution as recommended by the UN "Paris Principles". Labour proposes the establishment of an authoritative and independent Human Rights Commission at home.
14.) Labour advocates a significant programme of ratification of international convention and relevant UN Resolutions. For example, priorities for ratification would include:
Irish Aid
15.) We advocate solidarity and partnership at home. There is a matching duty and responsibility to have a coherent and effective Irish policy in relation with developing countries.
16.) In government, Labour has worked to this objective. Our ODA contributions have increased from £40m or 0.16% of GNP in 1992, to an estimated £122m or 0.31% of GNP in 1997.
17.) Development assistance alone is not enough. Policy must take into account human rights, the role of women and children, environment issues, trade (in particular the arms trade), and debt levels. Our policies will stress the need to deal with the debt problem, to cope effectively with humanitarian issues and disaster relief and to provide for a constructive role for NGOs in policy development.
18.) We reiterate our commitment to achievement of the UN ODA target of 0.7% of GNP by systematic annual increases in funding of both multilateral activities and Irish initiatives in the areas of development and humanitarian relief.
19.) To this end, Labour’s objectives are:
The European Union
20.) Together with our sister parties in the European Union, Labour will continue to work for peace, prosperity, security, economic development, social inclusion and social justice.
21.) This will be the case whether the policies relate to developments within the Union, the challenges of enlargement, relations with other states or cooperation with developing countries.
22.) At present, the extent of long-term unemployment and poverty in Europe, the need for security both externally and internally in the fight against crime and drug abuse, and the need for a successful outcome to the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) are key issues.
23.) We support:
24.) There is no agreed or wide ranging vision, comparable to the single market project or EMU, driving the evolution of a common social policy within the EU. Yet some 50 million European citizens live in poverty. In the Union there are some 18 million people unemployed – oh whom half are long-term unemployed.
25.) It is critical that the benefits of the European Union reach those who are marginalised and socially excluded. Flows of funds from EU programmes must be channelled to areas of disadvantage and to people in poverty.
26.) While we accept that national governments are likely to maintain primary responsibility, Labour will press for EU initiatives to supplement national programmes in this area.
27.) In the context of IGC negotiations, Labour will continue to press for the following:
28.) EMU and the associated Stability and Growth Pact will bring many benefits if they work effectively. But they will not of themselves ensure a serious reduction of long-term unemployment, balanced economic development or genuine social inclusion throughout the Union. There is need and scope for additional radical measures both at Union and national level.
29.) The outcome of the IGC must lay special emphasis on:
30.) We will argue strongly for the maintenance of the institutional balance which has served the Union so well. We must avoid any tendency to create a ‘core’ of larger, more powerful states and to marginalise the smaller members.
31.) Labour insists that the future European Union must retain the fundamental characteristics of equality of all member states and institutional balance, including the rotating Presidency. There must be no ‘inner groups’ or ‘large state directorate’ based on trends such as flexibility. There must be no second-class members.
32.) We will oppose any suggestion that smaller member states should lose the automatic right to nominate a member of the European Commission.
33.) We welcome the prospect of EU enlargement for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Enlargement holds out the prospect of genuinely united Europe after the many divisions of the past century. However, labour also insists that the entry terms for the long list of applicants must be negotiated so as to protect Ireland’s legitimate agricultural and economic interests. Enlargement must not become an excuse for dilution of the Union’s institutional structures. If properly planned and negotiated it will bring many benefits in terms of security and stability and will contribute to economic advance in the long-term.
34.) We will also seek to develop an enhanced role for the Council of Europe, particularly in strenghtening democracy and human rights in the Central and Eastern European countries. We will build on Ireland’s present level of involvement in the activities of the Council.
Citizenship & Immigration
35.) Large numbers of Irish people have been forced over the years to leave this country and seek to build new lives overseas. Their experience above all has shaped our policies under this heading.
36.) With increasing population movement throughout Europe, and increasing prosperity in Ireland, this country could well become a more attractive destination for non-nationals seeking residence and employment here, at every level of the socio-economic scale. Labour believes that our citizenship and immigration laws must now be reviewed comprehensively.
37.) We will continue the work started in 1992 in formulating for Ireland a proper legal framework governing rights of entry, of residence (short and long term) and of access to opportunities to work for citizens of non-EU states. Clear and transparent criteria will be set out in statute as a replacement for the existing ad hoc, discretionary administrative arrangements. This legislation will repeal and replace the Aliens Act of 1935.
38.) Specific issues relating to asylum and the granting of refugee status to those escaping persecution will be governed by the Refugee Act which was steered through the Oireachtas by Joan Burton.
39.) We believe also that there is a strong case for our laws on non-nationals to be administered by a separate Immigration Authority. The Minister and the Department of Justice would retain responsibility of overall policy development, analysis and review and for deciding on issues relating to national security.
40.) The day-to-day administration of the laws and regulations would be devolved to the Authority, a body which would have independent corporate status with outside membership included on its Board. The Authority would also administer the law on naturalisation.
41.) It is in the interests of both Ireland and the United Kingdom that the common travel area should remain. We will work towards reconciling this priority with the emerging freedoms and removal of regulations on travel and access inside the European Union.
